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| Translation 4: Articles and Brief Commentary on Riots in the South of Tunisia |
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Reflections on the Rioting in Southern Tunisia, February 1-10, 2000
The first thing one notices is the absence of news of these events
in any way shape or form in the main media of the United. States. The
worst demonstrations and rioting (emeutes) in Tunisia since
the bread riots of 1984 and no US newspaper (that I am aware of)
thought these events newsworthy enough to even mention them in
passing. If not for emails from Tunisian human rights activists in
France and UK these events would pass entirely unknown and the image
of a placid, happy little North African country on the IMF and World
Bank `award of the month' list would continue. Not only were these demonstrations not reported in the US media,
from the communications I have been receiving, they were not reported
in Tunisia either. Something of a news black out on the events
exists, a result of strong government pressure to tame and cow the
domestic media which has been in effect for some time. The fact that
the events took place more or less south of Sfax where the population
concentrations are a bit lower, perhaps muffles their impact in
Tunis. Yet Tunisia is a small country where the news of events
travels faster than email. The people are in the know. While the Tunisian press was mum on these events, the French press
remains rather active - and remains the key source of mainstream
media information on the subject. A simple web search revealed
articles in Liberation, L'Humanite and Le Monde
that covered the February 1-10 crisis. These news sources along with
a few others (Le Monde Diplomatique, Le Canard Enchaine)
appear to be giving decent coverage. Their reward for this is to have
reporters expelled and banned from Tunisia, materials confiscated, as
happened on January 23, 2000 to Daniel Mermet, reporter for
France-Inter. Leaving Tunis after interviewing opposition
and human rights activists, his film, tapes and notes were
confiscated by the Tunisian authorities. Mermet worried about the
fate of those in Tunisia whom he had interviewed. The Ben Ali
government, rather sensitive to any outside criticism, is complaining
to its French partners about unfair press coverage. Looking at the events themselves, a number of informative
statements from Tunisian human rights sources, that I assume have
direct connections to Tunisia parallel the major reports in the above
sited French press. I summarized these in a recent human rights
mailing.(1) A more recent and very
thoughtful statement however was issued by Dr. Moncef Marzouki,
medical professor at the University of Sousse Medical School and
spokesperson for the Campaign for Human Rights in Tunisia. Marzouki
has weathered a decade of storms, harassment and attempts at
humiliation in his defense of democracy and human rights in his
country. His statement, parts of which I quote below, gives a nice
snapshot of the recent events. "Serious events have engulfed important parts of the more
neglected regions of the country. In the suburbs of the larger cities
and in most of the surrounding towns (Zarzis, Gabes, El Hamma,
Chenini, Medenine, Jerba, Ben Gardane, Kebili, Douz, Medhila,
Moulares, Gafsa, Jebeniana, Sfax, Kasserine, Beja..)(2)
the street became the scene of demonstrations which often were
transformed into riots." "For the most part, the demonstrators were young high school
students and unemployed youth, supported in their actions by the
broader population. Their anger was directed at all the symbols of
power - street signs, street lights, public buildings). They built
barricades, burned tires, wrecked cars. They confronted the police,
causing numerous injuries and at times forcing the police to respond
in kind. The demonstrators' slogans called into question the price
hikes of food stuffs and other necessities(3),
the deterioration of purchasing power, the growth of
unemployment(4), but also their
resentment towards the public authorities and against the development
of official corruption." Marzouki continues: "The wave of demonstrations came on the heels of the announcement
of a strike by Tunisia's professional drivers (taxi, louage, truck
drivers(5)) on February 1. The strike
was to protest a new driving regulations and a new point system.
Drivers were concerned that the new regulations would re-enforce the
scope of arbitrary searches and arrests." "This wave of demonstrations could only be brought under control
by the government's deployment of special police units. Hundreds of
arrests of Tunisian youth were made.(6)
Several dozens of these arrests were made at night and were done
rather brutally. Some of the arrested youths complained of rough
treatment by local police officers. In Gabes, Sfax, and Medenine,
some 40 youths, some of whom remain in detention, face charges of
destroying public property, and spreading rumors (diffusion de
fausses nouvelles)." "The CNLT(7) considers that these
events result from the absence of peaceful channels of expression,
the squashing of public debate, negotiations and respect for public
opinion (role of civic society, ie. trade union, political parties,
other associations) which have resulted in the absence of a genuine
civic and popular culture." "These demonstrations - the most powerful expression of popular
sentiment since the bread riots of 1984 - explode the myth of the
Tunisian economic miracle and expose the degree of poverty and
unemployment (most notably of high school and college graduates), the
significant growth of social instability. The principal victims of
these trends are Tunisia's youth and the people living in the
forgotten southern, cental and northwestern areas of the country. The
total news black out of the national media indicates the hostility of
the authorities towards freedom of information for all citizens." Concluding, Marzouki puts forth a number of proposals to address
the crisis: "The CNLT calls for the immediate release of those youth still
under arrest and the dropping of charges against them. It calls on
the government to renounce its repressive policies (la politique
securitaire) and to begin to address the country's economic and
social problems in a more serious manner. It further calls on the
government to guarantee freedom of expression, organization and
peaceful protest in the public arena. It calls for consultations
between the government and the actual representatives of Tunisia's
civic society as well as a lifting of the embargo on information. The statement was made on February 22, 2000 and released the next
day to the public. 1. see http://clem.mscd.edu/~princer/Human
Rights/Tunisia/ and click on Translation 3 2. this list is much larger than what I have
previously seen. 3. I have yet to see the exact list of what
items price supports were lifted for. Bread and gasoline were
specifically mentioned. Nor was it indicated what precipitated this
government action, ie. were they responding to IMF pressure to remove
price supports as in 1984, or was something else the determining
factor. 4. as mentioned in Translation 3, much higher
in the south than in the Tunis region. eg. the French Newspaper
Liberation cited 2000 people employed in El Hamma of a
population of 80,000 and of a 70% unemployment rate among people
younger than 25 years in Hammet Gabes. Most of these unemployed are
high school and university graduates. 5. `Louages' - a wonderful kind of group long
distance taxi cab that takes people from one part of the country to
another for what used to be very reasonable prices. 6. . Numbers vary. The figure cited by
Liberation (February 17, 2000) was 400. |